There is a growing global consensus that clean hydrogen is an indispensable vector in achieving net-zero emissions in 2050, an objective now set by close to all G20 countries and beyond. International organisations like IEA, IRENA and the EU project an increasing role for net-zero electricity in the next decades, but further electrification (now at roughly 20%) won’t cover much more than 60% of the total energy mix. This implies that ‘greening of the molecules’ (today mainly oil and gas) becomes very urgent.

Noé van

Kirsten

<h1>The rising global momentum</h1>
There is a growing global consensus that clean hydrogen is an indispensable vector in achieving net-zero emissions in 2050, an objective now set by close to all G20 countries and beyond. International organisations like IEA, IRENA and the EU project an increasing role for net-zero electricity in the next decades, but further electrification (now at roughly 20%) won’t cover much more than 60% of the total energy mix. This implies that ‘greening of the molecules’ (today mainly oil and gas) becomes very urgent. That’s where clean hydrogen comes in to help decarbonize industry (refineries, chemicals, steel etc.), long-range/heavy-duty transport (trucks, ships, planes, buses, trains) and mid to long-time energy storage (weeks/months). In those applications, there are very few practical and cost-effective alternatives. In short, clean hydrogen’s role in the energy transition is mainly complementary to clean electricity. The best sign of the growing global consensus on clean hydrogen is the fact that the leaders at COP26 included clean hydrogen as one of the key technologies in the Glasgow Breakthrough Agenda, thus pushing it centre stage at COP27 and beyond.
<h1>New global commodity</h1>
Countries around the world have embarked on formulating hydrogen strategies or roadmaps in the last few years. Japan, Korea and France already in 2017/2018. Australia, The Netherlands, Germany and the EU in 2020. By now over 30 countries have hydrogen strategies or roadmaps and this number is still growing, not even counting regions and cities. More recently, a number of countries with a significant production potential in the Middle East, Africa and Latin America have joined the game: Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Oman, Morocco, Egypt, Namibia, Mauritania, India, Chile, Uruguay, Brazil e.g. These countries see clean hydrogen not only as important for their own domestic energy transition, but also as a potential new export sector providing sustainable jobs and growth. Concrete import-export projects between continents are already under development. Australia and Brunei have delivered their first shipments of hydrogen to Japan in pilot projects. The Inflation Reduction Act in the US includes powerful fiscal incentives to boost investment in clean hydrogen, possibly even for exports. Based on the country strategies and trade project plans, one can already see a new global commodity market emerging with net-importing countries (Japan, Korea, Germany, Netherlands, Belgium) and net-exporting countries (Australia, MENA countries, Chile, possibly Namibia, South Africa, the US and Canada). It will take decades to grow and mature, of course, but according to some projections the volume of the global clean hydrogen trade by 2050 may be comparable to the current gas trade. India and China are also working on hydrogen strategies, with India also positioning itself as a future net-exporter. According to a report from IRENA, this may also have important geopolitical implications.
<h1>European Union</h1>
The clean hydrogen strategy of the EC launched in 2020 is very ambitious. The EC strategy has a target of 40 GW electrolyser capacity in Europe by 2030 (mainly using solar and offshore wind), in addition Member States aim to scaling-up low-carbon hydrogen production from gas with CCS and nuclear. After the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the EC launched RepowerEU which doubled the EU’s hydrogen targets for 2030, both for ramping up European hydrogen production &amp; consumption, as well as imports. REPowerEU targets a production of 10 million tons of renewable hydrogen by 2030. Using clean hydrogen for significant decarbonisation of Europe’s industry, heavy-duty transport and seasonal energy storage will require such high volumes in 2030. Beyond that, the EU matches its own production targets with aims to import 10 million tons of hydrogen and derivatives annually by 2030. For this, the EC is particularly focused on potential imports from Northern Europe, North Africa and Ukraine along three corridors (see graph).
<img src="https://illuminem.b-cdn.net/articlebody/c05c87c00a5cf4c50257e5543c32a4aaf46ddbd8.png" alt="Natural gas import pipelines with their potential hydrogen import capacities. Source: Gas for Climate, "Facilitating hydrogen imports from non-EU countries", 2022. ">
The EC strategy has been welcomed by the European industry and broadly supported by member states. European energy infrastructure companies have developed a plan to create a European Hydrogen Backbone Infrastructure, largely based on repurposing of gas pipelines, thus enabling clean hydrogen transport across Europe, including connections to North Africa (Morocco, Tunisia, Algeria). Having the infrastructure in place is a necessary, but not yet sufficient precondition to the kick-off and ramp-up of hydrogen. Repurposing enables efficient circular use of the existing infrastructure and makes use of an existing public good. The necessary integrated network planning for electricity and hydrogen grid is not only conducive to energy security but can also alleviate the burden on budgets.
Currently, the EC is working on the implementation through subsidy programs and putting in place the regulatory framework. Germany and the Netherlands are both also considering doubling their domestic renewable hydrogen targets. Clean hydrogen is now seen not only as indispensable for the energy transition, but also for reducing the dependence on fossil fuel imports from Russia. Energy security has become a second important driver for clean hydrogen, increasing the urgency. The need for accelerating implementation is commonly acknowledged. However, this is proving to be a huge challenge to act upon. The current obstacles include a tendency to overregulate, a business-as-usual attitude to policy-making, a lack of prioritising large projects (like NortH2) that can deliver most of the required scale-up by 2030 and a lack of strategic alignment between key member states. Whereas Germany and the Netherlands consider clean hydrogen imports as absolutely critical and already joined hands in the import program H2Global, France eyeballs a European hydrogen future based on sovereignty and production within Europe. The same dichotomy applies to the need for constructing a European Hydrogen Backbone. The latest German-French summit statement of 21 January 2023 about extension of the announced Barcelona-Marseille hydrogen pipeline to Germany may indicate a possible ‘rapprochement’ between the German and French strategy, though. There is in our view still a very serious risk that the EU will not be able to achieve its ambitious hydrogen objectives due to slow implementation, fragmentation and lack of strategic alignment between key member states. The consequence of a failure of the hydrogen strategy for Europe may well be severe deindustrialisation if European manufacturing industry is not able to decarbonise before 2050. The implication will also be that the EU will be severely limited in playing its role in the geopolitical hydrogen game in Africa and the Middle East, thus leaving the field for other major players. The most recent reports of the IEA, both the Global Hydrogen Review 2022 and the Northwest European Hydrogen Monitor 2022, show clearly that the EU is falling behind in implementation of the clean hydrogen objectives with less than 5% of planned projects in the phase of Final Investment Decision (FID) or under construction. And this while the majority of announced and planned clean hydrogen projects are actually in Europe, as every Hydrogen Council report is consistently showing. How to advance against this background? We propose three concrete steps that can be implemented already in 2023.
<h1>Closer cooperation between Germany &amp; The Netherlands</h1>
In the current situation, the EU member states that are already well aligned, Germany and the Netherlands, could consider a number of bold steps to accelerate the scale-up of the North-West European clean hydrogen market required to achieve the ambitious German and Dutch targets:
<ul><li>Build on the existing close integration of the energy systems of both countries (e.g. from Rotterdam to the Ruhr) and look towards integrated rather than nationally optimised solutions. Therefore:</li></ul>
<ul><li>Prioritize cross-border German-Dutch hydrogen infrastructure building, linking the Dutch hydrogen backbone directly to re-purposed German gas pipelines connecting to German ports. Governments have an important role to help finance the investment of infrastructure companies upfront and ahead of the projected ramp-up of hydrogen demand and supply in the next 10 years. They have to mitigate evident performance risks and create and enable new learning and experimental spaces for new technologies. Speed is of the essence. The Dutch government has already committed 750 million euros of public funding to help develop a national hydrogen transmission network by 2030. The state-owned gas infrastructure company Gasunie has been tasked to execute this. Public sector risk-taking is not only unavoidable, but also warranted in shaping a new innovative market, as we have learned from professor Mariana Mazzucato. It has an indispensable role in working towards public and common goods. Sending the market signal that the required infrastructure will be available in time can solve the infamous chicken-and-egg-problem and thus de-risk private investment in supply and demand. Hydrogen-derived products (green ammonia, green methanol and sustainable aviation fuels) should also be able to flow seamlessly from Dutch ports to German industrial customers, as well as from German ports to Dutch industry users. The planned German and Dutch storage sites in salt caverns need to be operational in time to accommodate the projected volumes of clean hydrogen use. If and where required, cracking installations in port areas need to be built to crack ammonia back into hydrogen that will flow into the backbone. German and Dutch plans for building offshore hydrogen infrastructure should also be coordinated to achieve adequate interconnectivity with the planned onshore infrastructure. A strong upfront hydrogen infrastructure development is also critical to bring clean hydrogen to the unsung small and medium-sized enterprise heroes in Germany and the Netherlands. Hydrogen can and should not be limited to a “big-company Spiel”, otherwise it will never have the necessary broad impact on helping to decarbonise the manufacturing industry in all its multi-faceted variety.</li></ul>
<ul><li>Construct tailor-made co-funding public-private partnerships for the funding and execution of large-scale German-Dutch clean hydrogen projects that cover large parts or even the entire value chain (from renewable hydrogen production to industrial off-take) and are often located around industrial clusters in port areas, e.g. NortH2 and Aquaventus. 2023 can and should be the Year of Final Investment Decisions on large-scale projects. There is really no time to lose if we want to mirror the US IRA approach and maintain the competitive position of European industry. The announced relaxation of EU state aid rules for clean hydrogen should allow for speedy approval.</li></ul>
<ul><li>Shorten and simplify the German and Dutch planning and permitting procedures dramatically, taking the recent fast-tracking of permitting for new LNG terminals as an inspiring example of what can be done if it is considered urgent.</li></ul>
<ul><li>Produce a roadmap for the next 5 years towards joint German-Dutch hydrogen infrastructure transmission system operation, planning and regulation. The current set-up is entirely based on national geographical borders; we need a reset that takes an integrated North-West European hydrogen market as a starting point and the facilitation of seamless flows.</li></ul>
<h1>Establish a North Sea Hydrogen Taskforce</h1>
The second step could be a new initiative in the existing framework of North Sea countries cooperation, aiming at building an integrated cross-border offshore hydrogen infrastructure, where planned offshore renewable hydrogen production on artificial islands is connected to an extensive pipeline infrastructure that may include Germany, the Netherlands, Belgium, the UK with Scotland as a potential renewable hydrogen exporter, Denmark, Norway and Iceland. Countries could establish a special taskforce to produce a roadmap for the next 10 years to realize this. The graph below is an inspiring illustration of what this may look like.
<img src="https://illuminem.b-cdn.net/articlebody/632e0ab381b361e3017ffac8dfce7fd42e8d3013.png" alt="Source: presentation professor Ad van Wijk, Wind Meets Gas, 7 October 2022">
<h1>Doubling and Tripling the efforts - From bilateral to transregional cooperation</h1>
To be very clear, Dutch-German cooperation as described above is only the nucleus and starting point. The third and next steps that have to follow are expanding the collaboration regionally with Belgium, Denmark etc. and working together with other transnational regions in Europe across the Baltic Sea and with Southern and Southern East Europe. Such a sequential regional collaboration will be conducive to build a European hydrogen infrastructure, e.g. with Spain, Italy and Portugal. This dialogue can be focused on planning and executing concrete joint projects that establish clean hydrogen trade corridors by ship and pipelines.
illuminem Voices is a democratic space presenting the thoughts and opinions of leading Sustainability &amp; Energy writers, their opinions do not necessarily represent those of illuminem.
<h3>Footnotes</h3>
[1] Clean hydrogen is here defined as near-zero carbon hydrogen, produced by renewable or nuclear electricity or gas with very high rates of Carbon Capture &amp; Storage (95% or higher).
[2] See IEA, An updated roadmap to Net Zero Emissions by 2050, 2022.
[3] <a href="https://energy.ec.europa.eu/topics/energy-systems-integration/hydrogen_en">Hydrogen (europa.eu)</a>​ 
[4] See e.g. Marcel Fratscher, ‘Droht Deutschland jetzt die Deindustrialisierung?’ , Handelsblatt, 10/01/2023.
[5] See e.g. Marcel Fratscher, ‘Droht Deutschland jetzt die Deindustrialisierung?’ , Handelsblatt, 10/01/2023.

How to Kick-start the North-West European Clean Hydrogen Market

Mid-September 2022 has seen two moves from Brussels towards the implementation of the Hydrogen Accelerator. The European Parliament voted to remove the controversial “additionality principle” in order to boost the production of Green Hydrogen from renewable energy. Ursula von der Leyen declared in her State of the Union Speech the creation of a “Hydrogen Bank” backed by EUR 3 bn. These are steps, but not yet a leap forward.

Mid-September 2022 saw two moves from Brussels towards the implementation of the Hydrogen Accelerator. The European Parliament voted to remove the controversial “additionality principle” in order to boost the production of Green Hydrogen from renewable energy. Ursula von der Leyen declared in her State of the Union Speech the creation of a “Hydrogen Bank” backed by €3 billion. These are steps, but not yet a leap forward. The regulation and methodology under RED II will now be discussed in the trilogue and the details of the bank are yet to be clarified.
Meanwhile the hydrogen world around Europe is gaining its own momentum. It is time for the EU to raise its awareness of the global acceleration where the pace and the paths are set by others. China is a universe on its own, that has set ambitious targets for 2025 of green and climate-neutral hydrogen production, Japan and South-Korea are expanding their hydrogen import supply chains. The Biggest Bang, however, is to be heard from the U.S. With the Inflation Reduction Act of August 2022, the Biden Administration has set up a simple framework and regulation to push a hydrogen economy. In the Earth Shots of summer 2021 the U.S. formulated the goal for the cost of low-carbon hydrogen to be at 1USD per 1kg in a decade. The Infrastructure Law of November 2021 provides $8 billion for 4 Clean H2 Hubs, $1 billion for a Clean H2 Electrolysis Program, $500 million for Clean H2 Manufacturing &amp; Recycling Initiatives. This was complemented by the powerful Inflation Reduction Act that provides a 10-year tax- credit, also for hydrogen production and an investment tax credit (including for hydrogen storage), as well as clean-vehicle credits etc. The U.S. has also introduced clear carbon intensity limits with the tax credits being higher the lower the carbon intensity. The tax credit can reach $3 per kilo of hydrogen, including for exports. Last but not least, the tax credits for renewable energy generation sites can be combined with tax credits for green hydrogen production. This is an ultimate boost the economic viability of projects in the U.S. and will fill the order books for electrolysers.
This is a Big Bang in terms of hydrogen production ramp up and good news for the global climate, as well as the U.S. industry. For the EU this should serve as a wake-up call in terms of its ambitions, its support schemes but also its approach to regulation and carbon-pricing. The U.S. regulation and support schemes are straightforward and simple, the EU’s is not (yet). The EU’s approach of a sophisticated sector by sector regulation that is directed to meet its renewable targets, as well as its emission trading scheme, represents globally a special path and a solo run, that may risk being assessed as less attractive by global investors and potential hydrogen exporting countries in North Africa, the Middle East, Latin America, India and Australia.
No other big economic bloc is trying to achieve its energy and industrial transformation by a complicated (and still in flux, hence unclear) mixture of regulation for direct and indirect electrification from renewables, unbundling regulations for hydrogen TSOs, support schemes and CO2 prices. This policy approach stems from regulatory path dependencies, is slowed down by seemingly eternal discussions among member states about the definition of green and low-carbon hydrogen and a navel-gazing approach that misjudges the rapidly changing realities outside Europe. The EU’s regulatory machinery has been conducive to achieve an internal market for electricity and gas by very sophisticated regulation based on existing structures, mature markets and meshed infrastructure. Hydrogen is really different: for the first time we have to introduce a new energy carrier under competitive conditions and at an unprecedented pace. We are not starting from scratch, but have to transform our industry and energy systems under the extreme conditions of an unprecedented full-scale energy crises. We will need much more hydrogen (also as a back-up for renewables in electricity generation), sooner than we thought, and also as derivatives. And we will need to import even larger amounts of climate-neutral hydrogen from abroad than previously imagined. This calls for the development of a genuine European hydrogen diplomacy, eyeballing new long-term export-import partnerships that can only flourish if developed through mutual respect and win-win cooperation agreements. Such an approach deviates fundamentally from the current inclination of the EU imposing its standards on potential hydrogen exporting countries.
The global hydrogen revolution has started, and it will take off where the most attractive sites and the biggest markets are and where business models can be created across the whole value chain. If the EU does not get its act together, <a href="https://illuminem.com/illuminemvoices/a08ea94d-6b64-4008-ae4d-657b5117d337">the EU risks missing a great opportunity</a> to improve its position as an industrial and economic power and technology leader, in competition with others over scarce climate-neutral hydrogen flows.
The wake-up call cannot be louder and the alarm bells have to be heard. Unlike other big hydrogen markets that span across large territories and combine production and demand within a jurisdiction such as China and the U.S., the EU will have to rely on functioning global trade flows and rules-based trade. The EU will have to shape the global market and attract climate neutral hydrogen and derivatives flows into the bloc by positioning itself as a true partner.
The EU will need to rapidly fix the necessary, but not yet sufficient preconditions for a hydrogen technology and market ramp up: infrastructure and a regulatory framework.
<ul><li>Adapt a regulation that is simple, coherent across all sectors and internationally inter-operable with schemes of other big players with regard to certification.</li></ul>
<ul><li>Set up a hydrogen diplomacy for long-term partnerships and engage on a mutual understanding of common value creation, shared norms and mutual acknowledgement of certification schemes.</li></ul>
<ul><li>Provide the necessary funding / security guarantees for building the hydrogen backbone and the corridors into the EU. The Global Gateway should serve the highways of climate-neutral molecules into the EU.</li></ul>
<ul><li>Realize imports to back up the creation of regional hydrogen hubs and market areas in Europe.</li></ul>
<ul><li>Clarify the role of the Hydrogen Bank and the Hydrogen Facility and use existing instruments to flesh out the EU’s tool box such as H2Global. This will save time and avoid costly competition.</li></ul>
<ul><li>Allow for a stacking of support schemes for a transitional period of time, and allow hydrogen produced, transported under support schemes to be counted under quota schemes.</li></ul>
<ul><li>Select and fast-forward a handful of large-scale projects to Final Investment Decisions that can really kick-start the scale-up of low-carbon and renewable hydrogen.</li></ul>
With so many promising plans in Europe for both domestic clean hydrogen value chain development and for pioneering new hydrogen trade routes, it should be possible to re-position Europe in the appropriate way and to bring these plans to successful completion, as a true partner for ambitious hydrogen exporting countries across the world.
Illuminem Voices is a democratic space presenting the thoughts and opinions of leading Sustainability &amp; Energy writers, their opinions do not necessarily represent those of illuminem.

Towards a true hydrogen partnership between the EU and hydrogen exporting countries

The unprecedented high fossil fuel prices have already significantly diminished the cost gap with green hydrogen in many applications. With this state of mind, Noé van Hulst and Kirsten Westphal suggest the following 10 measures that potentially ensure the rapid achievement of the increased EU hydrogen targets.

<h2>Wake-up call for security of supply</h2>
The recent invasion of Ukraine by Russia has been labelled by EU leaders as &lsquo;a tectonic shift in European history&rsquo; [<a href=" https://consilium.europa.eu ">1</a>]. For EU energy policy it was also a very rude wake-up call in terms of its over-reliance on imported natural gas from Russia. In coal and oil, the EU is also heavily dependent on supplies from Russia. All of a sudden, the security of the energy supply is back at the top of the policy agenda, with a vengeance.
The IEA proposed a suite of measures in its 10-Point Plan to reduce the EU&rsquo;s reliance on Russian natural gas, ranging from demand reduction, to diversification and fuel switching, with accelerating investment in clean technologies at the heart of the plan [<a href="https://www.iea.org/reports/a-10-point-plan-to-reduce-the-european-unions-reliance-on-russian-natural-gas">2</a>].&nbsp;The EC subsequently proposed a very ambitious policy package RePowerEU, containing measures both for the short and the medium term [<a href="https://ec.europa.eu">3</a>]. The short-term measures are focused on demand response, mitigating the price impact on consumers, ensuring sufficient gas storage for next winter and diversifying gas suppliers. For the medium term, the EC recommends the acceleration of the Fit for 55 proposals. This makes a lot of sense. Even when the immediate urgency of addressing energy security understandably takes precedence today, the climate change urgency still needs to be tackled at the same time. And accelerating the energy transition does at the same time help tremendously in reducing the medium-term dependence on imports of gas, oil and coal.
The key question, however, is how to ensure that this proposed acceleration of the Fit for 55 proposals is really going to be achieved. We want to focus on one key component here: what the EC has aptly called the &lsquo;Hydrogen Accelerator&rsquo;.
<h2>Hydrogen accelerator</h2>
The EC proposes an additional 15 million tonnes (mt) of renewable hydrogen that could replace 25-50 billion cubic metres (bcm) per year of imported Russian gas by 2030. This implies an additional 10 mt of imported hydrogen from outside of Europe and an additional 5 mt of fossil-free hydrogen produced in Europe, including nuclear-based. These new proposed targets obviously go beyond the previously-existing targets of the EU hydrogen strategy. On how to achieve this, the EC document is, understandably, rather brief. It mentions further development of the regulatory framework to promote a European hydrogen market, supporting the development of an integrated gas and hydrogen infrastructure, hydrogen storage facilities and port infrastructure, speeding up of state aid notification procedures for hydrogen projects and the process of assessment of the first Important Projects of Common European Interest on hydrogen. In addition, it suggests Green Hydrogen Partnerships and a Global Hydrogen Facility.&nbsp; All of this seems very useful. More concrete implementation proposals will probably still follow soon. In the meantime, let us share some reflections on what to do next.
<h2>Time for rapid concrete measures to kick-start an investment wave</h2>
Many experts have observed that this moment in time mirrors the oil crisis of the 1970s. History may not repeat itself, but it often rhymes. Let us hope that we can avoid the economic recession that so often follows oil price spikes. The oil crisis of the 1970s did trigger important energy policy shifts, both at the international level, with the creation of the IEA and strategic oil stocks, and at the national level in many countries by diversifying away from oil e.g. electricity generation. France decided to launch an unprecedentedly successful nuclear programme that made this country also one of the lowest carbon-intensive economies in the world. If this is indeed a &lsquo;tectonic shift&rsquo; moment in European history, then perhaps it is also time for a &lsquo;tectonic shift&rsquo; in European energy policy. The unprecedentedly high fossil fuel prices have already significantly diminished the cost gap with green hydrogen in many applications. With this state of mind, we suggest the following 10 measures that potentially ensure the rapid achievement of the increased EU hydrogen targets.
<ol>
<li>Set a mandatory target of 10% zero-carbon hydrogen by 2030, i.e. replacing 10% of EU gas consumption with zero-carbon hydrogen. This target can be achieved either by physical blending or by virtual blending, making use of a certificates market. Given the aim of the development of a dedicated hydrogen market, a virtual blending target is preferable. This strong measure ensures demand, certainty for investors and guarantees meeting the required scale-up of the zero-carbon hydrogen market in 2030.</li>
<li>Set mandatory zero-emission standards for all vehicles in Europe by 2030.</li>
<li>Phase-out existing grey hydrogen production by 2030.</li>
<li>Work with relevant member states and the EIB to turn the EU steel industry into a frontrunner as Green Steel Industry by 2030, taking into account the investment cycles in this industry. There is ample demand for green hydrogen which could further incentivise investments.</li>
<li>Consider a temporary state-aid waiver for zero-carbon hydrogen projects.</li>
<li>Fundamentally reconsider the proposed gas decarbonisation package legislation by shifting the focus to the need for rapid hydrogen market creation, scale-up and expansion and avoiding premature barriers. All market players willing to invest in growing this market should be welcomed. Once the market is more mature, gradually the tested concepts for the mature electricity and gas markets can be applied.</li>
<li>Fast track EU subsidies (if necessary tailor-made) to greenlight the big European hydrogen projects (IPCEI and others) before the summer of 2022. This pipeline of relatively FID-ripe projects can enable the rapid scale-up of zero-carbon hydrogen by reducing the time to market.</li>
<li>Mandate that all public procurement across the EU should be zero-carbon by 2025.</li>
<li>Boost hydrogen imports by Europeanising the German H2Global scheme; provide adequate EU funding to organise the first big auctions in the summer of 2022 and ensure through energy diplomacy the upstream development of green hydrogen as well as reliable and mutually beneficial interconnectivity.</li>
<li>Reserve EU funds for repurposing gas pipelines, constructing new hydrogen pipelines where needed, develop large-scale storage in salt caverns and construct H2 (ready) import terminals. An accelerated implementation of the European Hydrogen Backbone Plan helps to create an integrated European hydrogen market.</li>
</ol>
&nbsp;
Energy Voices is a democratic space presenting the thoughts and opinions of leading Energy &amp; Sustainability writers, their opinions do not necessarily represent those of illuminem.

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Kirsten Westphal

Kirsten Westphal

How to Kick-start the North-West European Clean Hydrogen Market

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