Clean energy was never a transition. So stop calling it that
Unsplash
Unsplash· 4 min read
The bombs have gone quiet. The Strait of Hormuz is reopening. And somewhere in Brussels you’ll find an energy minister breathing out.
That exhale is the problem.
For six weeks, the conflict in the Gulf did what three decades of climate conferences could not: it made energy dependency feel personal, urgent, and expensive. In the first 52 days of the war, rising oil and gas prices cost importing economies an additional €24 billion in fossil fuel bills, money that left households, crossed borders, and did not come back. Supply chains buckled. Price spikes rippled through sectors that had nothing to do with oil. And for a brief, clarifying moment, the world remembered what it keeps forgetting between crises: this was never just a climate problem. It was always a sovereignty problem.
Then the ceasefire arrived. And the forgetting began again. As if it’s some depressed 15 year old with severe procrastination
This is the cycle the global energy conversation has not managed to break. Crisis sharpens the language. Plans multiply. Summits are called. And then, as prices ease and the emergency fades, urgency quietly follows it out the door. The pledges remain on paper. The structural dependency remains in the ground.
The deeper problem is not ambition. It is a single word: transition.
Transitions are cooperative. They imply a shared timetable, a managed handover, a polite and orderly shift from one era to the next. That framing has comfortably shaped twenty years of climate policy, and it has consistently underdelivered, because it mistakes a competition for a conversation.
What is actually unfolding in global energy is not a transition. It is a race. For manufacturing dominance, supply chain control, patent ownership, and first-mover advantage in the industries that will power the next fifty years. Some actors understood this early and moved accordingly. China hit its 2030 wind and solar capacity target in 2024, six years ahead of schedule. Clean energy sectors drove more than a third of its GDP growth in 2025, contributing a record $2.1 trillion to its national economy. It now produces 80 per cent of the world's solar panels and holds 75 per cent of global clean energy patents — up from five per cent in 2000. The solar capacity added in 2025 alone was enough to displace all the LNG that normally flows through the Strait of Hormuz in a year.
Now would you seriously call that an ‘energy transition’?
The Gulf crisis briefly made that distinction visible. The countries most exposed to the price shock were precisely those still operating inside the transition procrastination cycle — treating clean energy as a long-term aspiration rather than a present-tense infrastructure priority. The countries better insulated were those that had quietly stopped asking when the transition would need to happen and started asking how fast they could build.
The ceasefire will not resolve this. Falling prices will make the political case for urgency harder, not easier. Emergency infrastructure plans will quietly get shelved. The gap between those racing and those deliberating will widen.
What the conflict proved, again, is that energy security and the clean energy build-out are not separate agendas running on separate timelines. They are on the same agenda, and every year of delay in one is a year of strategic exposure in the other. Price volatility is the tax the world pays for importing fuels — and no summit communiqué has ever reduced a fuel import bill.
No one cares if you believe in climate change or not. By now, we are very well beyond ideological and hypothetical debate and war. It is ultimately a matter of national sovereignty & independence.
The framework needs to change before the next crisis forces it to. Not from fossil fuels to renewables. From transition to competition. From managed timelines to strategic urgency.
The starting gun fired long before the ceasefire. The question is how many more shots it takes to hear it.
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